Coming Home: Recruiting Canadian Teachers from the International School Circuit

Abstract

The international school sector now employs more than 713,000 teaching staff worldwide, a workforce that grew by 60 percent in the decade to 2024 and that draws disproportionately on certified teachers from Canada and other anglophone systems. Within it sits a candidate class that Canadian private schools with hard-to-fill postings consistently overlook: Canadian-certified teachers working abroad, many of whom hold an unconditional right of return, require no work permit, and face certificate reactivation rather than foreign credential recognition. This analysis maps the observable size of that pool, examines the turnover dynamics that produce a steady current of returnees, and sets out the certificate reactivation mechanics in all ten provinces, with detailed treatment of British Columbia, Ontario, and Alberta. It closes with the case for why this channel outperforms the conventional domestic posting for specialist roles, and with the boundary conditions schools should weigh.

Section I

The Posting That Will Not Fill

Every head of school knows the posting: the senior physics position entering its fourth month on the careers page, the French immersion role that drew three applications and no interviews, the learning support vacancy a small school in a small market has quietly stopped expecting to fill before September. The previous analysis in this series, The Hiring Squeeze (MapleRank, 2026), documented why these postings behave this way: the domestic supply of certified teachers is structurally fixed in the short term, every school in the country is drawing from the same pool, and the only lever that genuinely expands supply rather than redistributing it is recruitment from outside Canada.

That analysis also documented the cost of pulling the lever: foreign credential recognition, bridging requirements that vary by province, and, for most hires, the Labour Market Impact Assessment and a work permit, a sequence that can consume the better part of a year before a candidate stands in front of a class (MapleRank, 2026). For a school that needed the position filled last term, conventional international recruitment trades one problem for another: the domestic posting that produces no candidates, or the international candidate who cannot legally start.

There is, however, a candidate class the conventional framing skips entirely, because it sits in the seam between the two categories: teachers trained and certified in Canada, currently employed in international schools abroad. They appear in no provincial labour market data because they are not in the country, and in no immigration pipeline because they need none. A Canadian citizen requires no work permit, no Labour Market Impact Assessment, and no foreign credential assessment to take a teaching job in Canada. What stands between this candidate and a Canadian classroom is not an immigration system. It is, at most, a lapsed certificate, and in several provinces not even that.

For the principal holding the stale posting, four questions are concrete: how many such teachers exist, what evidence suggests any want to return, what reactivation actually involves province by province, and why the channel outperforms leaving the posting up another month. The sections that follow take each in turn.

Section II

The Size of the Circuit

The international school sector is large, measurable, and still growing. ISC Research, tracker of the English-medium market since 1994, recorded 2,584 international schools worldwide in 2000 (The PIE News, 2019); by January 2025 the count had reached 14,833 schools enrolling 7.4 million students, with global teaching staff at 713,539 (ISC Research, 2025). ISC's own measure of the expansion is direct: between July 2014 and July 2024, the sector recorded a 60 percent increase in teachers hired into full-time positions (ISC Research, 2024).

Two characteristics of this workforce matter for Canadian hiring. The first is its composition. ISC Research describes the recruitment of experienced teachers and leaders as paramount across the sector (ISC Research, 2024). Canada is one of the anglophone systems supplying them, and Canadian teachers are recruited across the circuit: recruitment firms note Canadian-trained teachers are hired into both American- and British-curriculum schools, Canadian training carrying elements of both (Edvectus, n.d.).

The second characteristic is structural churn, which Section IV examines in detail. A workforce of 713,000 in which schools typically retain teachers for one to six years (ISC Research, 2025) is not a static population but a circuit, with a large annual flow changing schools, changing countries, or leaving international education altogether. Some fraction of that outflow, every year, is teachers going home. For Canadian schools, the question is how many people on the circuit are theirs to bring home.

Section III

The Canadians Inside It

No public census counts Canadian-certified teachers working abroad. That absence should be stated plainly rather than papered over with an invented figure; what follows is a floor built from documented anchors, not an estimate dressed as a statistic.

The most directly observable anchor is the Canadian-curriculum school sector overseas. British Columbia has made its curriculum available to schools outside Canada since 1998 through what is now the B.C. Offshore School Program, under which schools in a dozen jurisdictions deliver the B.C. curriculum, undergo annual ministry inspection, and are required to employ B.C.-certified teachers (Government of British Columbia, 2026a). The B.C. public school employers' recruitment platform reports more than 600 B.C. educators currently teaching in these offshore schools alone (Make a Future, 2024). British Columbia is not unique: schools abroad hold accreditation to deliver the provincial curricula of Ontario, Alberta, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Manitoba, and Prince Edward Island, each under its province's inspection regime, a Canadian-curriculum presence the federal government has described as spanning more than 20 countries (Government of Canada, 2009), and every classroom teacher in those schools holds an active Canadian provincial certificate as a condition of the school's accreditation. The Department of National Defence adds a small federal channel, staffing two overseas schools in Belgium and the Netherlands with Canadian educators on two-year loans of service from their home boards (Government of Canada, 2025).

The second anchor is the pipeline that feeds the circuit. Canadian faculties of education treat international schools as a standard graduate destination: Queen's University's Faculty of Education, one documented example, runs recruiter visits and information sessions for international schools, offers an International Education concentration aimed at teaching overseas, and holds a formal partnership with Search Associates, a major international recruitment agency (Queen's University, 2023). Graduates leaving through that pipeline are certified before they go; provincial certification makes them employable in Canadian-curriculum schools abroad and competitive everywhere else on the circuit.

The third anchor is the diaspora itself. The Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada's multi-year Canadians Abroad research program estimated 2.8 million Canadian citizens living outside the country, roughly nine percent of the citizenry, a proportion larger than the comparable overseas populations of the United States, Australia, China, or India (Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada, 2011; CBC News, 2009). Statistics Canada has since reviewed the available estimation methods and treated the Foundation's figures as the reference point for a population it acknowledges Canada does not directly measure (Statistics Canada, 2022). Teachers are not separately enumerated within that population, and this analysis will not pretend otherwise. But a diaspora of that scale, fed by faculties that market the circuit to graduates and anchored by a Canadian-curriculum school sector abroad whose staff must hold active Canadian certification, supports one conclusion offered explicitly as professional estimation rather than measured statistic: the population of Canadian-certified teachers abroad runs at minimum into the thousands, with the 600-plus educators in B.C. offshore schools alone representing one province's slice of one school category.

Section IV

The Return Current

A pool is only a recruitment channel if people in it are willing to move, and here the sector is unusually well documented, because its defining workforce problem is turnover. The foundational study, drawing on a European Council of International Schools membership survey covering roughly 22,000 teachers across 270 schools, found annual turnover of 14.4 percent (Odland & Ruzicka, 2009). A later survey of 248 teachers and 22 school heads across Near East and South Asia international schools measured average turnover of 17 percent from 2006 to 2009, with individual schools ranging from none to 60 percent (Mancuso, Roberts, & White, 2010). Recent sector research confirms the pattern holds: ISC Research's Teacher Movement Survey reports that most international schools can expect to retain teachers for between one and six years, with nearly half of surveyed teachers planning to move on within that window (ISC Research, 2025).

"Most international schools can only expect to retain teachers for 1-6 years."

What matters for a Canadian school is not the churn but its causes. When Odland and Ruzicka asked 281 international teachers what drove the decision to leave at the end of a first contract, three factors dominated: administrative leadership, compensation, and personal circumstances (Odland & Ruzicka, 2009). The third category is where return migration lives. Aging parents, a partner's career, children reaching school age, the expiry of the adventure: these are the textures of personal circumstances researchers consistently find pulling teachers out of posts, and for a Canadian on the circuit, the natural destination when they call is home. The sector's contract structure amplifies the effect: employment typically runs on fixed-term contracts of about two years, so staying or going is not a passive default but a question the teacher must actively answer on a known calendar, every other year.

The honest limitation precedes the implication. No published survey isolates the share of Canadian international teachers intending to return in a given year, and this analysis claims no such number. What the public record establishes is a three-part structure: a large certified-Canadian population abroad (Section III), a sector-wide annual outflow near one in six teachers (Odland & Ruzicka, 2009; Mancuso et al., 2010), and personal circumstances as a leading documented driver of it. The researchers who built Canada's diaspora estimates framed the significance in exactly these terms: citizens abroad hold an absolute right of return, and the data exists to be used in anticipating return migration's effect on the labour force (CBC News, 2009).

Canadians abroad hold "an absolute right of return to Canada."

The operational question, for every teacher in that current, is whether their certificate is as ready to come home as they are. That question is where the analysis now turns.

Section V

What Makes This Candidate Different

In an applicant tracking system, the conventional international hire and the returning Canadian look alike: abroad, internationally experienced, needing lead time. The resemblance ends there, and the differences run precisely along the friction lines that make conventional international recruitment slow.

First, immigration. A Canadian citizen needs no work permit and no Labour Market Impact Assessment to accept employment in Canada; the apparatus of employer-sponsored immigration, with its advertising requirements, queues, and compliance exposure, simply does not apply, and permanent residents who have maintained their residency obligations occupy nearly the same position. For a school whose last international hire spent months inside the LMIA process documented previously in this series (MapleRank, 2026), this difference alone reorders the calendar.

Second, credentials. The internationally trained teacher faces foreign credential recognition: a provincial regulator must evaluate an unfamiliar teacher education program, often course by course, and may impose bridging requirements before any certificate issues. The returning Canadian faces, at worst, reactivation: a regulator restoring or re-issuing a credential it has already evaluated and granted once. Reactivation and recognition are different administrative species, and the distinction is the most important fact in this analysis: recognition asks whether a person is a teacher by Canadian standards; reactivation asks only whether a known teacher's paperwork is current.

Third, and least appreciated, interprovincial mobility converts any one active certificate into national eligibility. Under Chapter Seven of the Canadian Free Trade Agreement, a worker certified in a regulated occupation by one province or territory must, upon application, be recognized as qualified by the regulator of another, without additional material training, examination, or assessment, unless a posted exception applies (Canadian Free Trade Agreement, 2017; Forum of Labour Market Ministers, n.d.). For teachers, the national guidance is explicit: a current, valid, unrestricted teaching certificate from one Canadian jurisdiction makes its holder eligible for certification in another, with the transfer reduced to an application, documents, and in some cases evidence of language proficiency (Pathways to Teach Canada, n.d.-a). Alberta's registrar states the principle in regulatory plain language: teachers holding a valid certificate from another Canadian jurisdiction are eligible for Alberta certification without additional education, training, or examination (Alberta Education, 2026).

The operational consequence inverts how schools usually read a CV. A teacher in Kuala Lumpur whose Ontario membership has lapsed but whose Nova Scotia certificate, earned a decade ago, never expires, is not an Ontario problem; they are a CFTA transfer. The recruiting question is never only whether the candidate is active in the school's own province but whether any Canadian certificate they hold is active, because one live credential anywhere in the federation is a master key, while a wallet of lapsed ones is a queue. The caveat travels with the rule: the agreement moves current certificates, not expired ones, so a teacher whose every credential has lapsed must reactivate somewhere first. Which makes the province-by-province reactivation mechanics, the subject of the next four sections, the load-bearing wall of the channel.

Section VI

British Columbia: Where the Clock Bites

British Columbia operates the country's least forgiving certificate maintenance regime, and planning around B.C. means understanding its statutory clock to the day. A B.C. Certificate of Qualification does not expire on its own, but keeping it valid requires two affirmative acts: payment of the annual practice fee, currently 95 dollars, and authorization of a criminal record check every five years (Government of British Columbia, 2026b, 2026c). The Teachers Act sets the fee deadline on a fixed sequence: the annual practice fee falls due May 31; a holder in default is suspended effective July 1; the fee plus a late fee remain payable until October 31; and if default continues past that date, the Director of Certification must cancel the certificate effective November 1 (Teachers Act, 2011, s. 37). The statute's language is mandatory, not discretionary. A teacher in Jakarta who misses two emails in the spring is, by November, no longer certified in British Columbia.

Cancellation is not suspended animation. The ministry's guidance is explicit that a cancelled certificate means a new application: a former holder with recent teaching experience may qualify for reinstatement, but must apply anew online, undergo the full application process, and receive a formal evaluation against the standards in force at reapplication; a former holder without recent teaching experience must apply for a new certificate outright under current requirements (Government of British Columbia, 2026d). Worth noting precisely: the published reinstatement criterion is recent teaching experience, not recent British Columbia experience, so years teaching abroad are exactly the currency the pathway tests for. Processing, once documents are complete, typically runs 20 to 60 business days, with peak-period delays (Make a Future, 2025), through a five-stage evaluation queue in date order (Government of British Columbia, 2026e).

Two further features make B.C. distinctive. The first is scope: a B.C. teaching certificate is required to work not only in public schools but in the province's private schools and First Nations schools as well (Make a Future, 2025), so a B.C. private school cannot route around an uncertified candidate the way a school in some other provinces can; the certificate types themselves include both the Certificate of Qualification and the Independent School Teaching Certificate (Government of British Columbia, 2026d). The second is the ministry's own advice to departing teachers, which reads as a direct instruction to the population this analysis concerns: a teacher who is moving, retiring, or changing careers may still want to maintain the certificate by paying the annual practice fee, because ending certification means reapplying and requalifying under whatever the requirements are at the time of return (Government of British Columbia, 2026c). The screening implication is immediate: the first question to a returning B.C. candidate is not where they trained but whether the 95-dollar fee has been paid each May. A candidate who kept the certificate alive is hireable on an interview's timeline; one whose certificate cancelled is hireable on an evaluation queue's, and Section X's calendar must be built accordingly.

Section VII

Ontario: The Administrative Reset

Ontario sits at the opposite pole of administrative severity, which matters because Ontario holds the largest numbers of both Canadian teachers and Canadian private schools. Certification in Ontario is membership in the Ontario College of Teachers, maintained by an annual fee. A member who does not pay loses no qualification history; their status changes to Inactive or Non-Practising, in earlier terminology suspended for non-payment, and they lose the right to the Ontario Certified Teacher designation and to teach in publicly funded schools (Ontario College of Teachers, 2015, n.d.-a). The College's own guidance to teachers leaving the profession is simply to let the membership lapse, precisely because the road back is short (Ontario College of Teachers, n.d.-b).

Reinstatement is an online transaction, available at any time: a reinstatement fee plus the current year's annual fee, and one-time completion of the College's online Sexual Abuse Prevention Program for those who have not previously done it (Ontario College of Teachers, n.d.-a). The College has historically advised allowing up to four weeks for status to return to good standing (Ontario College of Teachers, 2015). There is no re-evaluation of qualifications, no new application, no assessment against current standards; the Certificate of Qualification and Registration, with all its accumulated qualifications, simply returns to good standing. A teacher who left for Singapore in 2019 and let the membership lapse is, practically, a few hundred dollars and a few weeks from full restoration.

One structural nuance distinguishes Ontario for the readership of this analysis specifically. The statutory requirement to hold College membership in good standing applies, under section 262 of the Education Act, to publicly funded schools; Ontario private schools are not bound by it and set their own certification expectations (Pathways to Teach Canada, n.d.-b). In practice, established Canadian private schools in Ontario require or strongly prefer the OCT designation as a quality marker that parents and accreditation reviews expect. But the legal asymmetry hands them a flexibility their B.C. counterparts lack: a school may hire a returning Canadian whose reinstatement is in process without violating any statute. The defensible operating posture is to treat reinstatement as a condition of hire rather than a precondition of interview, which converts Ontario's already short administrative reset into effectively zero calendar risk.

Section VIII

Alberta: The Certificate That Waits

Alberta has, for the purposes of this channel, the most returner-friendly regime in the country, built on a single fact: the Alberta Permanent Professional Certificate has no expiry and no maintenance fee. The provincial registrar's published language could have been written for the teacher deciding whether to take a third contract in Doha.

"Permanent Professional Certification does not expire, even if you leave the profession."

An Alberta teacher who held a Permanent Professional Certificate before going abroad has, in credential terms, nothing to reactivate; the certificate has been waiting, valid, the entire time, withdrawable only by ministerial action (Alberta Education, 2026; Alberta Teachers' Association, 2026). The complications sit at the edges. Teachers who left on an Interim Professional Certificate, which is valid for three years, may return to an expired interim credential; Alberta's process for that is extension or re-issuance on the recommendation of an employing school authority, supported by a new criminal record check with vulnerable sector check and a modest fee, rather than a fresh evaluation of the teacher's education (Alberta Education, 2026). And because permanent certification is granted on an employing school authority's recommendation after two years of teaching rather than by direct application, a teacher who went abroad early may be permanently certified elsewhere in Canada but only ever interim-certified in Alberta, a distinction worth checking on the public registry rather than assuming from the CV.

Alberta also illustrates, usefully, what the CFTA transfer route looks like as paperwork rather than principle. The registrar's labour mobility checklist for teachers certified elsewhere in Canada asks for Statements of Standing sent directly from every jurisdiction where the applicant has ever held certification, and accepts as one form of language proficiency evidence an employer's verification that at least one year of Canadian teaching experience in an accredited school occurred within the last five years (Alberta Education, 2026). That five-year currency window is a quiet pattern across several regimes, B.C.'s recent-experience reinstatement test among them, and it cuts in the returning teacher's favour: continuous classroom employment abroad keeps a candidate inside such windows, where a teacher who left the classroom for another industry falls outside them. The circuit preserves the very recency that reactivation and transfer regimes examine.

Section IX

The Ten-Province Reactivation Map

The three deep cases bound the national range: Alberta's certificate that never lapses, Ontario's lapse that reverses online, and British Columbia's statutory cancellation clock. The remaining provinces distribute across the same three regime types, and the table below sets out the full map. The lapse column describes what happens to a certificate whose holder simply stops teaching in the province and pays nothing, the standard situation of a teacher abroad; the path-back column describes the published route for that teacher, distinct from the CFTA transfer available to anyone current elsewhere. Fees and processing standards change; the regime types do not.

The pattern the table reveals is a three-regime country. Six provinces, Alberta, Manitoba, Quebec, Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island, and effectively Newfoundland and Labrador, issue certificates that survive inactivity untouched: their returning teachers were never administratively gone. Two, Ontario and Saskatchewan, layer an annual membership or registration over a persistent qualification, making return a fee transaction. One, British Columbia, cancels, and makes return an evaluation. New Brunswick sits between, permanent at the senior levels with expiring instruments below. For a school screening a returning candidate, the table collapses into one triage question: in which provinces has this teacher ever been certified, and does at least one of those rows read No in the lapse column? If yes, the candidate is current somewhere, and Chapter Seven of the CFTA carries them the rest of the way. If every row reads Yes, the calendar in the next section governs.

Section X

Sequencing the Clock

The channel's calendar is governed by a collision between two cycles that do not naturally align: the international school resignation cycle and the Canadian certification cycle. As established industry practice, offered here as professional observation rather than regulated standard, international schools require teachers to declare intent for the following academic year in late autumn or early winter, and the sector's recruitment fairs and agency placement seasons run roughly November through February for August starts. A teacher in Shanghai deciding in November 2026 whether to renew is deciding, in effect, whether to be available to a Canadian school for September 2027. The school that first reaches them in January has missed the decision; the school that reached them in October framed it.

Layered onto that cycle is the certification arithmetic of Sections VI through IX: a candidate current anywhere needs only a CFTA transfer running in parallel with hiring; lapsed in Ontario, weeks; cancelled in British Columbia, a formal evaluation measured in months that must begin before the hiring conversation concludes. The sequencing discipline this imposes is summarized below, in the order the questions should be asked.

Section XI

Why the Channel Outperforms the Domestic Posting for Specialist Roles

For generalist elementary roles in major metropolitan markets, the conventional posting still works, and nothing here argues otherwise. The case for this channel concentrates where the previous analysis in this series located the acute domestic shortages: French-language positions, mathematics, physics and chemistry, technological education, and learning support, the specialist postings that draw three applications or none (MapleRank, 2026). Four structural advantages explain why the returning-Canadian channel performs precisely where the domestic posting fails.

The first is curricular concentration, most visibly in the International Baccalaureate. Canada currently has 378 IB World Schools, of which 186 are authorized for the Diploma Programme (International Baccalaureate, 2026a). The Diploma Programme is offered in thousands of schools across more than 150 countries, part of a global IB footprint of over 5,800 schools, with IB programmes worldwide up 34.2 percent between 2018 and 2022 (International Baccalaureate, 2026b). The arithmetic is stark: more than 95 percent of the world's DP schools are outside Canada, which means the global supply of teachers with actual DP classroom experience, examiner training, and extended essay supervision is overwhelmingly produced abroad. A Canadian private school introducing or staffing an IB programme is, when it posts domestically, advertising in the one labour market where that experience is scarcest. The same logic applies to Advanced Placement experience in American-curriculum schools abroad and to residential expertise from the circuit's boarding sector, directly transferable to Canadian boarding schools and largely absent from domestic day-school pools.

The second advantage is the competition structure. A domestic posting for a senior physics teacher competes simultaneously with every public board posting in the province, where compensation grids, pensions, and job security are formidable, and with every other private school fishing the same pond. The international channel competes with a different alternative entirely: another two-year contract abroad. For the candidate whose personal circumstances are already pulling homeward (Section IV), the Canadian private school is not outbidding the public board for a teacher both can see; it is the only Canadian employer in the conversation, because it is the only one that showed up where the teacher is. Public boards, bound to collective agreement hiring and seniority lists, are structurally poor at proactive international outreach; private school hiring agility is, in this channel, a genuine competitive weapon rather than a compensating virtue.

The third advantage is the experience profile. Sector retention spans of one to six years per school (ISC Research, 2025) mean a Canadian teacher returning after two or three international contracts arrives with four to ten years of experience, often across multiple curricula and student populations, including substantial work with English language learners, the exact preparation the previous analysis in this series identified as increasingly central to Canadian private school classrooms serving international families. These are not early-career candidates requiring induction investment but mid-career specialists at the point in life where they intend to settle, a retention implication the turnover-scarred international sector documents in reverse.

The fourth advantage is the one this analysis has spent four sections establishing: the absence of the friction defining every other international hire. No work permit, no Labour Market Impact Assessment, no foreign credential recognition, and in six provinces, no reactivation at all. The channel's costs are real but different in kind: outreach effort, sequencing discipline, and certificate triage. Those are costs a school controls. Visa queues and credential assessments are not.

Section XII

Boundary Conditions

An analysis claiming this channel solves Canadian private school hiring would deserve the skepticism it received, so the limits deserve the same precision as the case. First, the pool is finite and contested: the features that make returning Canadians attractive to Canadian private schools make them attractive to public boards that do recruit proactively, to the offshore Canadian-curriculum schools competing to retain them, and to the international chains that built the circuit's compensation packages. Nothing here confers exclusivity; it confers, at most, a head start over employers who have not read the map.

Second, the intent data does not exist. Section IV established a large pool, high churn, and personal circumstances as a leading departure driver; it did not establish, because no public source does, what share of Canadian teachers abroad intend to return in a given year. A school building a single hire on this channel makes a reasonable bet on a documented current; a school building an entire staffing plan on it extrapolates past the evidence.

Third, the economics of return cut both ways, and the candid version belongs in the first conversation. International packages frequently include housing allowances, flights, and favourable tax treatment; a return to Canadian housing costs, particularly in Vancouver and Toronto, is a consideration compensation conversations should anticipate rather than discover, an observation from sector practice rather than published measurement. Schools in lower-cost regions should recognize this as their structural advantage; schools in high-cost metros should expect the candidate to have done the arithmetic already.

Fourth, the certificate map has hard edges. The British Columbia regime converts an unwatched calendar into a lost hiring season, and any school screening against the Section IX table should treat it as a starting framework and the named regulator's current published requirements as the authority, since fees, forms, and processing standards change on no fixed schedule. Fifth, the channel demands institutional behaviour not every school can sustain: autumn outreach, registry verification discipline, and willingness to hold an offer open across a reactivation timeline. A school without the bandwidth for that sequencing will not capture the advantage merely by admiring it.

Section XIII

Conclusion

The single most underused supply line available to a Canadian private school with a hard-to-fill specialist posting is the population of Canadian-certified teachers already working abroad, because they are the only international candidates for whom the barriers are administrative rather than structural.

The broader context bears restating. The previous analysis in this series established that domestic recruitment redistributes a fixed pool and that only international recruitment expands it; this analysis has shown that one tributary of the international pool carries none of the immigration weight that makes the rest of it slow. The pool is observably in the thousands at minimum, refreshed by a documented education-faculty pipeline, and churned by a sector whose own research names personal circumstances among the leading reasons teachers leave. The way back runs through ten provincial regimes that reduce to three types, and a national mobility framework that converts any one current certificate into eligibility everywhere. What the channel asks of school leadership is not budget but calendar: questions asked in October rather than March, registries checked rather than CVs trusted, and one statutory date in British Columbia respected. For the head of school rereading the same stale posting, the strategic implication is uncomfortable only in its simplicity. The candidates exist, the law is on their side, and the schools that reach them first will be the ones that stopped waiting for them to come home on their own.

Section XIV

References